Pegisai at a Glance: Sources, Logic and Arguments
This page backs every statement on Pegisai at a Glance, item for item and in the same order. Each item quotes the statement the item backs. Where a statement is drawn from Pegisai™’s own published record, the item names where the record publishes the statement. Where a critic is likely to challenge a statement, the item sets out what the statement means, the logic, the sources and data, and the critic’s questions, answered. Pegisai’s own estimates are marked as estimates, with the inputs shown. Every figure was checked against the figure’s source on 7 October 2026.
About the Pegisai Group and the Group’s objectives
About the Pegisai Group
The statement
The Pegisai group licenses the technologies that comprise the Alkaimi Financial Ecosystem™ to bank holding companies. Group companies, under the management of Pegisai Global Holdings, administer and facilitate ecosystem operations under contract, while also providing network, security, and other mission critical services to ecosystem licensees.
Published in
The Pegisai Group’s objectives
The statement
Pegisai Group companies, along with the ecosystem’s licensees, seek to through thoughtful, diligent, cautious and cooperative conduct, influence into existence a fundamental paradigm shift in how the global financial grid is capitalized and liquidity is created, managed and distributed.
What this means
Pegisai technologies unlock in-ground resources, used in the global financial system to reduce reliance on the fiat lending system, in order to restore value to currencies and provide a new value pool for economic expansion, without the effects caused by the existing system listed below on this page.
The logic
The shift is already operating: since 1 September 2026, licensed member banks in 14 countries have conducted wholesale settlement on the Alkaimi ledger.
The value behind that settlement comes from private asset holders, recognized in 17 asset classes, not from new debt.
The work runs inside existing law: each member bank operates under the bank’s own charter and the bank’s own regulator.
The sources and data
| Figure | Value | Date | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Wholesale settlement operations began | 1 September 2026 | Ongoing | Pegisai release, 30 September 2026 |
| Nations with member banks operating | 14 | 30 September 2026 | Pegisai release, 30 September 2026 |
| Asset classes recognized by member banks | 17 | 1 October 2026 | Pegisai release, 1 October 2026 |
The critic’s questions, answered
Is the Alkaimi Ecosystem™ operating, or still a plan?
Operating. Since 1 September 2026, licensed member banks in 14 countries have conducted traditional wholesale settlement on the Alkaimi™ ledger, and member banks recognize value in 17 asset classes (Pegisai releases, 30 September and 1 October 2026). Consumer services wait on the members’ common decision, made with each member’s own regulator.
Reasons behind the Pegisai Group’s objectives
Reason 1: the promises
The statement
Derivatives now total more than 5 times all the money in existence.
The world’s financial system is under extreme stress. The largest banks hold about $844.6 trillion in derivatives: promises and claims against each other, many uncollateralized. The promises depend on how rates, currencies and loans move, and on the capital reserves of each bank holding or owing a claim.
What this means
Banks have written promises to one another worth far more than all the cash and reserves in the world. The promises hold only as long as every bank on the other side keeps paying.
The logic
Banks hold contracts whose payments depend on other banks performing.
The face value of those contracts was $844.6 trillion at the end of 2025.
Every official reserve on earth, foreign exchange, gold and IMF Special Drawing Rights together, totals about $19.2 trillion.
The promises are about 44 times every official reserve that could stand behind the promises.
The sources and data
Bank for International Settlements, OTC derivatives statistics
Federal Reserve, currency in circulation (FRED series CURRCIR)
BIS, “OTC derivatives market activity in the first half of 2008,” press release, 13 November 2008
BIS, Regular OTC Derivatives Market Statistics, end-December 2008, 19 May 2009
BIS, “OTC derivatives statistics at end-June 2025,” 8 December 2025
Darrell Duffie, “The failure mechanics of dealer banks,” BIS Working Paper 301, March 2010
Darrell Duffie, How Big Banks Fail and What to Do About It, Princeton University Press, 2010
| Figure | Value | Date | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Over-the-counter derivatives, notional outstanding | $844.6 trillion (see note) | End of December 2025 | ISDA on BIS statistics |
| World foreign exchange reserves | $13.22 trillion | Second quarter 2026 | IMF COFER |
| Gold held by central banks and official institutions | About 38,670 metric tons, about $5 trillion | End of 2025 | World Gold Council |
| IMF Special Drawing Rights allocated | SDR 660.7 billion, about $0.94 trillion | 2026 | IMF |
| All official reserves (foreign exchange, gold and SDRs) | About $19.2 trillion | 2026 | Sum of the three rows above |
| US currency in circulation | $2.42 trillion | October 2025 | Federal Reserve |
| Promises (notional amount) against all official reserves | About 44 times | 2026 | $844.6 trillion ÷ $19.2 trillion |
| World broad money (all the money in existence) | About $150 trillion, as reported | June 2026 | Financial news reports of global broad money data |
| Derivatives against world broad money | More than 5 times ($844.6 trillion ÷ about $150 trillion = 5.6) | End-2025 against June 2026 | Pegisai arithmetic |
| All issued cash worldwide | About $8 trillion | 2025 | Central bank currency in circulation, aggregated |
Why the $844.6 trillion is a concern
The $844.6 trillion is the face value of promises banks have made to one another and to their clients. Pegisai’s concern isn’t that the $844.6 trillion is owed. Pegisai’s concern is what happens when the promises are called.
The promises are tightly linked: when one bank fails, the failed bank’s unpaid claims carry the failure to the next bank, as Lehman Brothers’ did in 2008. The promises are concentrated in banks too big to fail, banks rescued again and again since 1972. The promises keep growing: $683.7 trillion in mid-2008, $844.6 trillion at the end of 2025, even as market value fell. And in a crisis, the promises turn into sudden cash demands: in 2022, Britain’s pension funds could not meet their collateral calls, and the Bank of England had to step in.
When the banks cannot pay, governments step in, and the bill lands on taxpayers and on everyone holding the currency.
| The concern | Where this page proves it |
|---|---|
| Who owes the promises | Banks, to one another and to their clients, and what the notional amount measures |
| Linked | How one failure travels through unpaid claims and the swaps that insured them: Lehman Brothers and AIG |
| Concentrated | Banks rescued as too big to fail, 1972 to 2023 |
| Growing | $683.7 trillion to $844.6 trillion while market value fell |
| Sudden cash demands | Britain’s pension funds and the Bank of England, 2022 |
| Who pays | Taxpayers and currency holders, through taxes and through prices |
Note on the $844.6 trillion figure
The $844.6 trillion is the notional amount of over-the-counter derivatives outstanding at the end of December 2025 (ISDA, on BIS statistics). The notional amount is the face value of every contract: the amount on which each contract’s payments are calculated. The page uses the notional amount because the page’s question is the size of the promises banks have made to one another, and the notional amount is the BIS’s own headline measure of that size.
The same report gives a gross market value of $22.8 trillion: the cost of replacing every contract at that day’s prices. The BIS treats gross market value as the better gauge of market risk, the risk that prices move. For the page’s question, gross market value understates what is at stake, for four reasons.
Gross market value is a snapshot taken in a calm market. In the second half of 2008, gross market value rose 66.5 percent in six months, from $20.4 trillion to $33.9 trillion, while the notional amount fell 13.4 percent (BIS, 13 November 2008 and 19 May 2009). The measure is smallest when markets are calm, and the measure jumps when markets fail.
Gross market value assumes every counterparty keeps paying. The measure also assumes that netting and collateral work as written. After netting, the same report puts gross credit exposure at $3.4 trillion. Those netting and collateral assumptions hold while markets function, and those assumptions break in a crisis.
Weakened banks face runs on the banks’ derivatives. When a dealer bank weakens, the bank’s derivatives counterparties pull away much as depositors run on a bank, draining the bank’s cash and speeding the failure. One failure rarely stays at one bank: collateral is pulled, contracts are closed out at stressed prices, and the next weakest dealer is hit. Stanford economist Darrell Duffie set out these failure mechanics through the 2008 collapse of Lehman Brothers (Duffie, “The failure mechanics of dealer banks,” BIS Working Paper 301, March 2010; How Big Banks Fail and What to Do About It, Princeton University Press, 2010).
In two large parts of the market, the notional amount is the payment itself. A foreign exchange contract exchanges the full principal at settlement: foreign exchange derivatives stood at $148.7 trillion at the end of 2025 (ISDA, on BIS statistics), and at mid-2025 the BIS counted $100 trillion of foreign exchange forwards and swaps maturing within a year (BIS, 8 December 2025). A credit default swap pays the swap’s notional amount, less recovery, when the borrower defaults: the protection AIG had sold became the $182.3 billion the US government made available to AIG (GAO-09-975). In a cascade of failures, more contracts reach those full payments at the same time, and the cost of the promises moves from market value toward face value.
The page measures the promises at face value. The page never claims the $844.6 trillion is owed at once. The page claims the $844.6 trillion is the size of the promises the financial system depends on.
| Part of the market | Notional amount | Date | What the notional means for payment | Source |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Interest rate derivatives | $669.5 trillion, 79.3 percent of the total | End-December 2025 | Payments calculated on the notional; the notional itself is not exchanged | ISDA, July 2026 |
| Foreign exchange derivatives | $148.7 trillion (mid-2025: $100 trillion of forwards and swaps maturing within a year) | End-December 2025 | The full principal is exchanged at settlement | ISDA, July 2026; BIS, 8 December 2025 |
| Credit default swaps | $11.0 trillion | End-December 2025 | The protection seller pays the notional, less recovery, on default | ISDA, July 2026 |
Why the size of the promises matters to Pegisai. One of the Pegisai Group’s objectives is to reduce this risk as close to zero as structure and operation allow. On the Alkaimi ledger, a DTA™ settlement leaves no claim between member banks, and every position is held whole, underwritten and segregated, so no settlement adds to the $844.6 trillion pile (Pegisai at a Glance, “How the Alkaimi Ecosystem meets the Group’s objectives,” items 3 and 4).
The critic’s questions, answered
Notional value is not what banks owe each other.
Correct, and the page does not claim otherwise. The notional amount measures the size of the promises. The note below this section sets out why the page uses the notional amount, and why the smaller market value understates what is at stake in a failure.
The Bank for International Settlements calls market value the better measure.
For the risk that prices move, yes. Even that smaller measure, $22.8 trillion at the end of 2025, is larger than every official reserve on earth, about $19.2 trillion, and in the second half of 2008 the same measure rose 66.5 percent in six months.
Reason 2: no one can pay if the system stalls
The statement
Derivatives are a greater threat than governments can fix.
Globally, governments and central banks do not hold enough cash and reserve assets to pay every bank claim if the financial system stalls. Taxpayers cannot cover the gap either.
What this means
If those promises come due in a crisis, governments do not hold enough to pay the promises. The money a government would use is borrowed or created, and the bill lands on the public.
The logic
Every official reserve on earth totals about $19.2 trillion.
Governments already owe about $99 trillion of the governments’ own debt, about five times those reserves.
A government can pay a claim only with money the government holds, borrows or creates.
Behind the deposit insurance funds stand the taxpayers, and the US fund holds $1.48 for every $100 of insured deposits.
The sources and data
| Figure | Value | Date | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Global public debt | About $99 trillion, 93 percent of world GDP | End of 2024 | IMF Global Debt Monitor |
| Government debt against all official reserves | About 5 times | 2024 to 2026 | $99 trillion ÷ $19.2 trillion |
| Cost to replace every promise at market prices, against all official reserves | About 1.2 times | 2025 to 2026 | $22.8 trillion ÷ $19.2 trillion = 1.19 |
| US federal deficit, first 11 months of fiscal year 2026 | $1.97 trillion (about $2 trillion) | October 2025 to August 2026 | US Treasury; CBO Monthly Budget Review |
| Deposit Insurance Fund reserve ratio | 1.48 percent ($1.48 per $100 of insured deposits); fund $161.1 billion | 30 June 2026 | FDIC |
The critic’s questions, answered
Governments own land, minerals and companies.
Land does not pay a claim; cash does. Turning land into cash takes a buyer and takes time, while claims in a stall come due in days. In a crisis the buyers step back: in the week to 1 April 2020, the Federal Reserve bought $362.5 billion of US Treasury debt because private buyers would not.
A central bank can always create the money.
Yes, and reason 4 shows the cost. Money created to pay a claim takes the money’s value from every holder of the currency.
Reason 3: the stalls, the rescues and the bills
The statement
The derivatives issue is over 25 times global COVID-19 measures.
The global economic system has stalled before, as it did during the COVID-19 pandemic. Recent history shows us stalls are more frequent, and ever more expensive, so much so that governments and central banks lack the ability to intervene again.
What this means
Crises are not rare. Each rescue was paid for with new debt or created money, and each one left the system carrying more debt than before.
The logic
Rescues of failing banks and markets have recurred for more than fifty years (Figure S2).
Since 2008, each rescue has been paid with money a central bank created.
The debt from the 2020 rescue was rolled over, not repaid: the US national debt stood at $40.26 trillion on 1 October 2026.
Each new rescue starts from more debt and higher interest rates than the rescue before.
The sources and data
Federal Reserve History, “Nixon Ends Convertibility of US Dollars to Gold”
European Central Bank, Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme
UK Office for National Statistics, Consumer price inflation, October 2022
US Treasury, Average Interest Rates on US Treasury Securities
CBO, Testimony on The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2026 to 2036, March 2026
Federal Reserve History, “Continental Illinois: A Bank That Was Too Big to Fail”
Congressional Research Service, Long-Term Capital Management rescue, RL30232, 1999
| Figure | Value | Date | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Federal assistance made available to AIG | $182.3 billion | September 2008 to April 2009 | GAO-09-975 |
| AIG assistance recovered | $182.3 billion recovered, plus a $22.7 billion positive return | December 2012 | US Treasury |
| Federal Reserve total assets | $0.905 trillion to $4.50 trillion | 3 September 2008 to 7 January 2015 | Federal Reserve H.4.1 |
| Federal Reserve Treasury purchases in one week | $362.5 billion | Week to 1 April 2020 | Federal Reserve H.4.1 |
| Federal Reserve total assets | $4.16 trillion to $8.97 trillion | 26 February 2020 to 13 April 2022 | Federal Reserve H.4.1 |
| US consumer price inflation, peak | 9.1 percent (12 months) | June 2022 | BLS |
| Withdrawals from Silicon Valley Bank in one day | $42 billion | 9 March 2023 | Federal Reserve testimony |
| Federal Reserve total assets, one week | Up about $297 billion | 8 to 15 March 2023 | Federal Reserve H.4.1 |
| Primary credit (discount window) loans, record | $152.9 billion | 15 March 2023 | Federal Reserve H.4.1 |
| One 2008 dollar, purchasing power | 83 cents (2020); 71 cents (2023); 64 cents (July 2026) | CPI annual averages 2008 215.303, 2020 258.811, 2023 304.702; July 2026 333.918 | BLS |
| One dollar since August 1971 | Buys what 12 cents bought in 1971 | CPI August 1971 40.8; July 2026 333.918 | BLS |
| US gross federal debt | $23.20 trillion to $27.75 trillion (up $4.55 trillion) | 31 December 2019 to 31 December 2020 | US Treasury |
| US gross federal debt | $40.26 trillion | 1 October 2026 | US Treasury |
| ECB pandemic purchase program | €1,850 billion | Envelope set December 2020 | ECB |
| Bank of England asset purchases | £895 billion | Total set November 2020 | HM Treasury and Bank of England |
| UK consumer price inflation, peak | 11.1 percent | October 2022 | ONS |
| Global public debt | About 84 percent of world GDP (2019); peak 98.9 percent (2020); 93.9 percent (2025) | 2019 to 2025 | IMF Global Debt Monitor; IMF Fiscal Monitor, April 2025 and April 2026 |
| Average interest rate on US marketable debt | 1.541 percent to 3.348 percent | January 2021 to January 2026 | US Treasury |
| 30-year Treasury bond auction, high yield | 5.308 percent | 10 September 2026 | TreasuryDirect |
| US net interest outlays | 3.3 percent of GDP, about $1 trillion | Fiscal year 2026 (projection) | CBO |
| Global government support for COVID-19 | Nearly $16 trillion | Through March 2021 | IMF, Fiscal Monitor, April 2021 |
| Central bank balance sheet expansion during COVID-19 | About $10 trillion | 2020 to 2021 | IMF |
| Derivatives against the whole COVID-19 response | Over 25 times ($844.6 trillion ÷ no more than about $30 trillion) | End-2025 against 2020 to 2021 | Pegisai arithmetic |
The critic’s questions, answered
The rescues worked.
The rescues stopped the failures. The rescues did not remove the cause, and the bill stayed: one 2008 dollar buys about 64 cents of goods today, and the 2020 debt was rolled over at higher rates. AIG’s assistance was recovered in full, with a $22.7 billion positive return (US Treasury, December 2012). The taxpayer, the consumer and the saver are one person. Even when a rescue is “repaid,” like AIG’s, the money created around it stays in circulation, and that consumer keeps paying through prices.
No one can know that banks expect to be rescued.
Pegisai does not claim to know any bank’s motive. Pegisai points to the record: regulators rescued banks as too big to fail in 1972, 1974, 1980 and 1984, the Federal Reserve organized the rescue of a giant hedge fund in 1998, and central banks engaged in several other measurable interventions since, in 2008, 2020, 2022 and 2023. Each of these events, the central banks paid for with created money. This conduct erodes the currency’s purchasing power, and to date, this lost purchasing power has never been restored (Cleveland Fed; Federal Reserve History).
This is only a US dollar problem.
No, it is not. Since 1970, the IMF has recorded 151 systemic banking crises around the world, 149 of them outside the United States, each met with significant government and central bank intervention (Laeven and Valencia, IMF Working Paper 18/206, 2018). More have followed since, including Britain in 2022. Each of them eroded the purchasing power of the currency the nation issued, and to date, none of those currencies has recovered from this type of injury.
Reason 4: debasement, wealth and income
The statement
The repeated interventions are now a large share of “inflation.”
The recurring government debt sales / central bank debt purchase cycle is destructive. The cycle debases a nation’s currency, causing inflation, erodes privately held wealth, and harms consumers. By Pegisai’s estimate, currency debasement now accounts for more than 60% of annual inflation and dollar purchasing power has dropped about 39 percent over 20 years.
What this means
When a central bank buys the nation’s own government debt with new money, every unit of the currency already held buys less. The loss is a tax no one voted for.
The logic
The government sells debt.
The nation’s own central bank buys the debt with newly created money in the nation’s own currency.
The new money draws the new money’s value from the money already held.
Everyone holding the currency loses purchasing power: the inflation tax.
The sources and data
BLS, Consumer Price Index, August 2026, all items and energy (FRED CPIAUCNS, CPIENGNS)
Bank of England, gilt market intervention of 28 September 2022, as reported by Reuters
| Figure | Value | Date | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| US consumer price inflation | 3.4 percent (12 months) | August 2026 | BLS |
| Energy’s share of that inflation | About 1 percentage point (energy prices up 16.3 percent, at about 6.3 percent of the index) | August 2026 | BLS |
| US money supply (M2) | $12.91 trillion to $23.22 trillion, up 79.9 percent | July 2016 to July 2026 | Federal Reserve H.6 |
| US real GDP | Up 28.0 percent | Second quarter 2016 to second quarter 2026 | BEA |
| US consumer prices | Up 38.8 percent (not seasonally adjusted); 38.6 percent (seasonally adjusted) | July 2016 to July 2026 | BLS |
| Money held by Americans (M2) | $23.22 trillion | July 2026 | Federal Reserve H.6 |
| US dollar purchasing power lost over 20 years | About 39 percent (CPI 203.5 to 333.918; one 2006 dollar buys about 61 cents) | July 2006 to July 2026 | BLS |
The critic’s questions, answered
Inflation has many causes, not only debasement.
Agreed. Pegisai’s figure is an estimate, and the estimates section of this page shows the method openly: US inflation of 3.4 percent in the year to August 2026, less about 1 percentage point from energy, leaves about 2.4 points, which Pegisai attributes to debasement. The estimate is a method, not a measured split.
Foreign central banks buy US government debt too.
A foreign central bank pays with dollars that already exist, so the foreign purchase creates no new dollars. Only a nation’s own central bank, buying the nation’s own government debt with newly created money in the nation’s own currency, adds new money.
Is the cycle only an American cycle?
No. Britain ran the cycle in 2022, start to finish. The British government’s own debt fell in price after the budget of 23 September 2022. The fall set off collateral calls on pension funds, which could not meet the calls. On 28 September 2022, the Bank of England announced a £65 billion program to buy the government’s debt with newly created money (Bank of England; reported by Reuters).
Not a dollar issue: every currency loses at home
| Currency | Price index, July 2016 | Price index, latest | Purchasing power lost |
|---|---|---|---|
| Russian ruble | 163.1 | 301.7 (Jul 2026) | 45.9 percent |
| Brazilian real | 151.4 | 245.9 (Jul 2026) | 38.4 percent |
| Indian rupee | 149.6 | 233.7 (Jul 2026) | 36.0 percent |
| British pound | 112.5 | 159.8 (Jul 2026) | 29.6 percent |
| US dollar | 110.4 | 153.1 (Jul 2026) | 27.9 percent |
| Australian dollar | 113.9 | 153.3 (Jun 2026) | 25.7 percent |
| Euro | 107.7 | 142.7 (Jul 2026) | 24.6 percent |
| Canadian dollar | 110.7 | 145.9 (Jul 2026) | 24.1 percent |
| Japanese yen | 103.2 | 120.4 (Jul 2026) | 14.3 percent |
| Chinese yuan | 117.1 | 133.5 (Jul 2026) | 12.2 percent |
| Swiss franc | 97.8 | 106.4 (Jul 2026) | 8.1 percent |
Pegisai’s Why the Alkaimi Model Is Better, Part 1, published figures for the same ten years from an earlier data release: the dollar 27.86 percent, the euro 24.51 percent and the yen 14.09 percent; the pound matches at 29.60 percent. The small differences come from the source series used and from later revisions to the price indexes.
Purchasing power lost = 1 − (index July 2016 ÷ index latest). Indexes are the Bank for International Settlements’ consumer price series (2010 = 100), compiled from each nation’s own statistics office.
Reason 5: nations’ assets
The statement
The “inflation” and repeated interventions show new tools are needed.
Loss in currency purchasing power, governments as payors of last resort, and the too-big-to-fail arguments all show national governments require the ability to restore balance to their national economic engines. In the existing system, national governments can’t realize their wealth effectively.
What this means
Nations own great real wealth that the nations cannot use without selling the wealth or borrowing against the wealth. Every tool a nation has today forces the nation to give up one goal to reach another.
The logic
Today a nation can turn land, minerals or energy into usable value in only two ways: sell the asset or pledge the asset.
A sale gives up title and ownership; a pledge encumbers the asset and adds new debt.
The United States owns about 640 million acres of land and manages the mineral estate beneath about 700 million acres, and none of that value appears on the Treasury’s liquid asset reserve line.
Today’s tools force a choice: reducing debt slows the economy, stimulating the economy adds debt, and stopping debasement raises interest costs.
The sources and data
| Figure | Value | Date | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Surface land owned by the US federal government | About 640 million acres | CRS R43429 | CRS |
| Federal subsurface mineral estate managed by the Bureau of Land Management | About 700 million onshore acres | CRS R43429 | CRS |
The critic’s questions, answered
A nation can borrow against the nation’s resources.
Borrowing against a resource is a pledge: the resource is encumbered and new debt is added, the opposite of reducing the debt load.
Borrowing against a resource does not step outside the cycle; borrowing restarts the cycle. New debt carries new interest rate and currency risk. That risk is hedged with new derivative contracts, and the contracts are insured with credit default swaps. When the promises fail, the rescue is paid with created money. The cycle is why the promises keep growing: $683.7 trillion in mid-2008 and $844.6 trillion at the end of 2025, even as market value fell. Interest rate contracts, the hedge on borrowing itself, make up 79.3 percent of today’s promises (ISDA, July 2026). ISDA notes that part of the 2025 increase reflects a wider reporting base and the weaker dollar; the long-run climb stands either way.
What Pegisai did to meet the Group’s objectives
1. Invented granular value recognition, creating universal value so any two items achieve parity.
The statement
Invented granular value recognition™, creating universal value so any two items achieve parity.
The Pegisai Group designed, tested and deployed a granular value recognition system which separates asset value from currency pricing. This value recognition method enables the creation of universal value which provides an equal value transfer between any two recognized asset values at parity.
Published in
2. Using our technology, we invented the Digitized Tangible Asset (DTA).
The statement
Using our technology, we invented the Digitized Tangible Asset™ (DTA).
The Pegisai Group designed, tested and implemented a value holding item, The Digitized Tangible Asset which contains Granular Value™ recognized assets in universal value unit which enables this value to be transferred, exchanged and used within the existing global financial system.
Published in
3. Built a walled-garden ecosystem for chartered financial institutions to safely operate the 100% Whole Reserve model.
The statement
Built a walled-garden ecosystem for chartered financial institutions to safely operate the 100% Whole Reserve™ model.
The Pegisai Group designed, tested and implemented a global walled garden network with a centralized ledger which regional chartered financial institutions could exchange value on client’s behalf while also creating liquidity from client’s asset holdings. This system has been named the Alkaimi Ecosystem.
Published in
How the Alkaimi Ecosystem meets the Group’s objectives
1. Member banks create liquidity from recognized value, not from new promises.
The statement
Member banks create liquidity from recognized value, not from new promises.
Published in
2. A recognized asset stays exactly where the asset is.
The statement
A recognized asset stays exactly where the asset is.
What this means
Alkaimi’s value recognition method does not move the asset. Oil stays in the reservoir and ore stays in the mine, and the owner keeps title. Only the recognized value moves.
The logic
Alkaimi’s value recognition method recognizes the value of a segmented, segregated portion of an asset. This avoids the pooling of assets, and aids in the containment of risk, as well as the isolation of value.
The underlying asset remains in place under the custody arrangements that apply to the asset. This avoids unnecessary inventory management costs, risks and contamination of value reserves.
The recognized value is held and moved as DTAs on the Alkaimi ledger. Retention of value within the DTA item, allows immediate settlement upon movement, accurate inventory control, and increases surety in allocated value held at the account level.
Under normal operating conditions, title and ownership of the asset do not change. For conduct during default events, see here.
The sources and data
The critic’s questions, answered
So the assets are locked away in vaults.
No. This is a revolutionary aspect of the system, and of Alkaimi’s value recognition method. In the Alkaimi model, a recognized asset remains at the location of recognition, often held as “in-ground reserves” under the custody arrangements stated in the value recognition agreements that apply to that asset. For more on this, click here.
3. Settlement moves from net debt to gross asset.
The statement
Settlement moves from net debt to gross asset.
Published in
4. The Alkaimi Ecosystem is systemically protective.
The statement
The Alkaimi Ecosystem is systemically protective.
What this means
A settlement on the Alkaimi ledger leaves nothing owed between banks, so there is nothing for a credit default swap to insure. Every position on the Alkaimi ledger is held whole.
The logic
When DTAs move between two member banks, the movement extinguishes the payment obligation.
No claim is left between the banks, so no credit default swap is needed to insure the settlement.
Each DTA stack is underwritten and segregated from every other stack in risk and in lien.
If a DTA issuer defaults, the issuer’s estate is liquidated on the Alkaimi ledger and the underwriter stands as surety.
The sources and data
Pegisai Global Holdings, Operational Capabilities of the Alkaimi Ecosystem, 5 October 2026
Pegisai, Operational Capabilities of the Alkaimi Ecosystem, item 2.3, Risk Isolation
Pegisai, Operational Capabilities of the Alkaimi Ecosystem, item 4.14
The critic’s questions, answered
Nothing is risk-free. Who pays when a DTA issuer defaults?
The issuer’s estate is liquidated on the Alkaimi ledger, and the underwriter stands as surety, so the full issued value is designed to be paid to holders.
We’ve been very transparent about risk and the default processes, as well as the containment of default events in comparison to the existing fiat and credit default models:
5. Over time, a member bank’s entire book becomes whole value.
The statement
Over time, a member bank’s entire book becomes whole value.
Published in
6. Member banks settle this way today.
The statement
Member banks settle this way today.
Published in
7. The Alkaimi Ecosystem is a currency-neutral rail.
The statement
The Alkaimi Ecosystem is a currency-neutral rail.
Published in
Pegisai Global Holdings, Operational Capabilities of the Alkaimi Ecosystem, 5 October 2026
Pegisai, Development Record: What We Realized, item 4: scrip currency is a sovereign issue
8. One ledger, inside a walled garden, with no blockchain.
The statement
One ledger, inside a walled garden, with no blockchain.
Published in
9. The DTA is not a cryptocurrency, and the Alkaimi Ecosystem is not a crypto network.
The statement
The DTA is not a cryptocurrency, and the Alkaimi Ecosystem is not a crypto network.
What this means
The DTA shares nothing with a cryptocurrency but the fact that the DTA is recorded digitally. The value comes first, from a real asset, and the DTA is a claim on no one.
The logic
The Alkaimi ledger is one ledger, with no blockchain and no distributed ledger.
Every client reaches the Alkaimi ledger only through a licensed member bank.
A DTA is not created by fiat: the value exists first, in the client’s own tangible asset.
A DTA is digital in form and tangible in value, and a claim on no one.
The sources and data
The critic’s questions, answered
This is crypto with a banking label.
No, not at any level. Our design team for nearly five years listened to this type of commentary, and the company has spent nearly half a decade educating people what first generation digitals (our internal term for cryptocurrencies, stable coins, tokenized deposits and most NFTs) are.
A DTA is a bearer instrument, and first generation digitals are not
The way each individual DTA has value embedded within it is different than first generation digitals
FGDs are not an expression of value; they are only speculative items with no intrinsic value
DTAs are transmutable into other values without a sale; FGDs can’t and don’t do that
10. Every member bank works inside existing law, under the bank’s own regulator.
The statement
Every member bank works inside existing law, under the bank’s own regulator.
What this means
The model runs inside the banking law that already exists. Each member bank is a chartered bank, supervised by the bank’s own regulator.
The logic
Each member bank is chartered under the bank’s nation’s banking law.
Each member bank is licensed to operate the model.
Supervisory classification of member operations rests with each member’s own regulator.
Pegisai does not provide banking services, accept deposits, hold client value or execute client settlements.
The sources and data
The critic’s questions, answered
Has a regulator approved this?
No central bank, supervisor, government or other authority has reviewed, approved or endorsed Alkaimi, the Alkaimi Ecosystem, the Alkaimi platform, any member financial institution’s participation in it, or this site.
Generally speaking, most member banks’ existing charters cover these described operations, and the licensee can run the model immediately. In some jurisdictions, local regulators expect a notice before licensed operations begin. In every case, notice and operation are the duty of each licensee, as is compliance with all regional regulatory requirements the licensee’s charter and laws require.
For more on these types of operations:
Custody: how a member bank holds a client’s value whole, in the bank’s custody.
Settlement: how member banks settle with one another on the Alkaimi ledger.
For more:
The legal position of the Alkaimi platform and financial ecosystem
The legal position of the DTA under banking, securities, payments and property law
Is value held on the Alkaimi ledger a deposit, and is the value insured?
Held value is not a currency deposit and is not insured by deposit insurance or by a government agency such as the FDIC. Value held on the ecosystem’s ledger is held under a custodial agreement, and the settlement mechanisms used in the licensed model are themselves individually insured.
11. Seventeen asset classes today, with more ready to follow.
The statement
Seventeen asset classes today, with more ready to follow.
Published in
12. The Alkaimi platform is built to scale.
The statement
The Alkaimi platform is built to scale.
Published in
13. Consumer services come later, by the members’ common decision.
The statement
Consumer services come later, by the members’ common decision.
Published in
14. Governments can engage a member financial institution today.
The statement
Governments can engage a member financial institution today.
Published in
Why the Alkaimi model meets the Group’s objectives
1. Banks settle with value, not promises.
The statement
Banks settle with value, not promises.
Published in
2. A licensed member bank stops creating money.
The statement
A licensed member bank stops creating money.
What this means
Today a bank creates new money every time the bank makes a loan. Under the 100% Whole Reserve model, a member bank holds the client’s value whole and lends none of the client’s value.
The logic
When a bank makes a loan today, the bank creates a new deposit: new money (Bank of England, 2014).
Under the 100% Whole Reserve model, no licensed member bank lends against a client’s value.
The client’s value stays the client’s, held whole in the bank’s custody.
With no loan made against the client’s value, no new deposit, and no new promise, is created.
The sources and data
Bank of England, “Money creation in the modern economy,” Quarterly Bulletin, 2014
Milton Friedman, “The Optimum Quantity of Money,” 1969
Michael Bordo and Andrew Filardo, “Deflation in a historical perspective,” BIS Working Paper 186, 2005
The critic’s questions, answered
Without banks creating money, lending stops.
Sorry, but that isn’t correct. First, your statement is that banks stop lending money. That’s incorrect. And second, you allege our model stops lending. That’s untrue as well. Factually, our model can create more liquidity, and do so with less risk and without inflating the currency the way bank lending does today.
Why a loan funded first and written second creates no new deposit
How liquidity grows as more assets are recognized, and the scale the platform is built for
How the model strengthens a bank’s balance sheet under the Basel standards
A central bank advancing currency against DTAs is just printing money.
An advance against pledged DTAs does create central bank money at the moment of the advance. The difference is what the advance replaces, and who controls it. A loan funded from an advance creates no deposit, and the deposits old loans created run off as those loans repay. New money enters only as old money retires, in amounts the central bank sets itself, against recognized real value instead of the government’s own debt. That is management of the money supply, not expansion of it.
The model gives a central bank three tools it doesn’t have today: control of volume, set against run-off; real collateral, so the central bank no longer has to buy its own government’s debt to supply money; and a policy rate that works on pledged real value.
With those tools, a central bank could hold its currency’s purchasing power steady, or let prices fall gently as productivity grows. Economists have long made the case that a gently falling price level in a growing economy is healthy, not dangerous (Selgin, 1997; Friedman, 1969; Bordo and Filardo, 2005; Borio and others, BIS, 2015).
The danger economists warn about is debt-deflation: prices falling fast while debts stay fixed (Fisher, 1933). The Alkaimi Ecosystem is designed to reach its scale at a controlled pace across approximately a decade, so debts are not stranded, and Alkaimi’s member institutions do so in collaboration with their regional central banks. This assists more than just one central bank in the management of each central bank’s own books.
3. The old promises are retired.
The statement
The old promises are retired.
Published in
4. New lending is designed to be funded by real value.
The statement
New lending is designed to be funded by real value.
Published in
5. Value held as DTAs keeps purchasing power.
The statement
Value held as DTAs keeps purchasing power.
Published in
Pegisai Global Holdings, Operational Capabilities of the Alkaimi Ecosystem, 5 October 2026
Pegisai, Development Record: What We Realized, item 4: the DTA, a better product than money
6. The Alkaimi Ecosystem is a currency-neutral rail.
The statement
The Alkaimi Ecosystem is a currency-neutral rail.
Published in
7. Governments no longer have to create debt to grow or to rescue.
The statement
Governments no longer have to create debt to grow or to rescue.
What this means
Today a government that needs money to grow or to rescue must borrow the money. The model is designed to let a nation use the recognized value of the nation’s own assets instead.
The logic
A nation’s assets can be recognized while the assets stay within the nation’s borders, with no change in title or ownership.
The recognized value can fund economic expansion or buy back existing debt.
The Alkaimi Ecosystem’s operating guidelines permit a nation’s recognized asset reserves to be used only for economic expansion or debt reduction.
No new bonds are sold for a central bank to buy with new money.
The sources and data
Pegisai Global Holdings, Operational Capabilities of the Alkaimi Ecosystem, 5 October 2026
Congressional Budget Office, net interest outlays, fiscal year 2026; US Treasury, average interest rates on marketable debt, January 2026
The critic’s questions, answered
A government will simply borrow anyway.
While few people can predict what any government may or may not do, we disagree with you. The model provides a more efficient way to reduce debts, liabilities and fund economic expansion projects at a national level.
Start with the cost. The United States pays about $1 trillion a year in interest alone (Congressional Budget Office, fiscal year 2026), at an average rate of 3.348 percent on its marketable debt (US Treasury, January 2026). Each $1 trillion of debt bought back with recognized national value removes about $33.5 billion a year of interest ($1 trillion × 3.348 percent; Pegisai arithmetic).
While governments may still borrow, the amount they borrow could be reduced by the amount of interest costs removed from their budgets, and the remaining disposable tax revenues could be more efficiently managed. Debt bought back with recognized value puts no new bonds in front of a central bank, so the debasement cycle in reason 4 does not run. The nation keeps title and ownership, and the asset stays where the asset is. The operating guidelines limit recognized national reserves to economic expansion or debt reduction.
Politically speaking, it seems logical that any elected official who can provide essential services while benefiting economic growth and reducing spending is incentivized to take that option. No one likes taxes. The economists James Buchanan and Richard Wagner showed why governments borrow: voters feel taxes at once, so elected officials prefer deficits. When a central bank funds the deficit with new money, the inflation that follows is simply another form of tax (Buchanan and Wagner, Democracy in Deficit, 1977; Buchanan received the Nobel prize in economics in 1986).
Norway shows a nation funding public services from the value of its resources. Since 2001, Norway’s fiscal rule has transferred to the national budget an amount matching the expected real return on the nation’s oil fund, now set at 3 percent (Norwegian Ministry of Finance). Norway had to sell its oil to build that fund. The Alkaimi model leaves the asset in place.
What politician doesn’t get elected, or re-elected, for providing taxpayers more realized income, increasing the purchasing power of the nation’s currency, and doing so while reducing government debt and spending?
8. Economic stress no longer shifts from too-big-to-fail banks onto the taxpayer.
The statement
Economic stress no longer shifts from too-big-to-fail banks onto the taxpayer.
What this means
A rescue is needed when a bank owes promises the bank cannot keep. Value held whole on the Alkaimi ledger is not a promise, so there is nothing on that ledger to rescue.
The logic
Rescues have recurred for more than fifty years, each paid by the public (see reason 3).
On value held on the Alkaimi ledger, a member bank holds the client’s value instead of owing a promise.
Settlement between member banks is final when the value moves, so no chain of promises carries one bank’s failure to the next.
With no promise to rescue on the Alkaimi ledger, no rescue lands on the taxpayer for that value.
The sources and data
The critic’s questions, answered
A member bank can still fail.
While any mismanaged bank can fail, the Alkaimi model reduces the incidents that cause a failure, and can over time eliminate the reasons behind cascading bank failures. Banks fail, and failures spread, for a few known reasons. The model addresses each one:
Runs: a run happens when depositors fear a bank cannot pay its currency promises: $42 billion left Silicon Valley Bank in one day in March 2023. Value held whole in custody is not a promise, so the value cannot be run.
Contagion between banks: a failure spreads through the claims banks owe one another. A settlement on the Alkaimi ledger leaves no claim between the banks, so one bank’s failure has no unpaid claim to travel through.
The hedges that fail with the banks: with no claim left by settlement, no credit default swap is needed to insure the settlement, so no protection seller fails alongside the bank it insured, as AIG did in 2008.
Losses that spread: a default stays inside that one DTA stack, reaching only the custodial accounts that hold the stack’s DTAs, in whichever member banks hold them. Each holder is made whole in that account, and no member bank carries the loss.
Lending losses: on lending funded from rented DTAs, the bank’s own DTAs absorb losses first, the currency line is drawn below the value of the pledged reserve, and the DTA owner’s principal never enters the lending book.
What happens when a DTA stack defaults:
| The old system: a borrower defaults | The Alkaimi Ecosystem: a stack’s issuer defaults | |
|---|---|---|
| Who pays first | The lending bank’s capital | The defaulting issuer’s own estate |
| Who makes the holder whole | A deposit insurer or a government, after failure | The underwriter as surety, to the full issued value |
| What the bank loses | The loan, which can sink the bank | Nothing: the value is not on the bank’s books |
| How the loss spreads | Through interbank claims and the swaps that insured them | No claims left, no swaps needed |
| Who pays in the end | Taxpayers and currency holders | The defaulter, then the underwriter, who holds the asset |
As more value moves onto the Alkaimi ledger, less of the banking system is exposed to the causes that turn one failure into many.
9. Private asset holders and income earners gain a more balanced system to use and grow from.
The statement
Private asset holders and income earners gain a more balanced system to use and grow from.
Published in
Who benefits from the Pegisai Group’s objectives
Who benefits
The statement
Regional banks, central banks, treasuries, businesses, asset holders and the people the banks serve.
Published in
The question
The promises grow with the debt: $683.7 trillion in mid-2008, $844.6 trillion at the end of 2025, whatever market value does (reason 1).
Each rescue is paid by taking purchasing power from the currency, and every major currency fell together from 2016 to 2026 (reason 4).
Even the experts’ own measure of the promises grows when a currency weakens: ISDA reports that the weaker dollar raised the reported value of the promises in 2025 (ISDA, July 2026).
At what point do the experts accept what Pegisai realized about the old system, and when does removing purchasing power from currencies, eroding private holders’ wealth and their retained value, become the wrong answer?
Pegisai estimates and arithmetic
These figures are Pegisai’s own estimates or arithmetic on the published data above. Each figure shows the figure’s inputs, so any reader can work the numbers.
| Figure | Value | Basis | Inputs and arithmetic |
|---|---|---|---|
| Promises (notional amount) against all official reserves | About 44 times | Pegisai arithmetic | $844.6 trillion ÷ $19.2 trillion = 44 |
| Government debt against all official reserves | About 5 times | Pegisai arithmetic | $99 trillion ÷ $19.2 trillion = 5.2 |
| US dollar debasement’s share of inflation | About 70 percent, roughly 2.4 percentage points | Pegisai estimate | 3.4 percent inflation less about 1 percentage point from energy = 2.4 points; 2.4 ÷ 3.4 = 70 percent |
| Annual loss of purchasing power on money held | About $790 billion | Pegisai arithmetic | $23.22 trillion × 3.4 percent = $789 billion |
| Share of that loss from debasement | About $550 billion | Pegisai estimate | $789 billion × 70 percent = $553 billion |
| One 2008 dollar today | About 64 cents | Pegisai arithmetic on BLS data | 215.303 ÷ 333.918 = 0.645 |
| One dollar since August 1971 | About 12 cents | Pegisai arithmetic on BLS data | 40.8 ÷ 333.918 = 0.122 |
| Viable reserves outside the existing financial system | More than $4 quadrillion | Pegisai estimate | Earth’s natural infrastructure is valued at about $33 quadrillion (Environmental Business International, 2020): $4 quadrillion ÷ $33 quadrillion = 12 percent. Pegisai counts an asset as viable only when a market for the asset exists, demand for the asset will exist and value must be created for the asset to transact, and only after weighing the asset’s quality and the stability of the nation in which the asset sits. The $33 quadrillion is a stock of assets. Nature’s services of $125 trillion to $145 trillion a year (Costanza and others, 2014) are a yearly flow and are not added. The estimate measures scale only: no value enters the Alkaimi ledger until a member bank puts a specific asset through Alkaimi’s value recognition method and an underwriter warrants the asset. |
| Nations above 100 percent debt to GDP for five years or more, since 1972 | 46 episodes in 42 nations; 29 returns below 100 percent, 28 of them through debt relief, default, high inflation, a bailout or a windfall, or not held, with Comoros the exception; 15 nations still above 100 percent | Pegisai analysis of IMF data | General government gross debt as a percent of GDP, by nation, from the IMF Public Finances in Modern History Database (December 2025, through 2024), with the years the database lacks, and 2025 and 2026, from the IMF World Economic Outlook (April 2026). An episode starts in 1972 or later, in the first year debt rises above 100 percent, and ends in the first year debt is back below 100 percent. Of 126 episodes, 46 lasted five years or more. Each ended episode was checked for debt forgiveness, default or restructuring, average consumer-price inflation above 10 percent a year across the episode (World Economic Outlook, from 1980), an outside bailout, a resource windfall, and a later return above 100 percent (not held). Barbados is back below 100 percent in the IMF’s 2025 estimate. Spain and Cabo Verde are below 100 percent only in the IMF’s 2026 projections and are not counted as returns. The latest IMF figure for Eritrea is for 2019, and for Lebanon and Venezuela for 2025. Every episode is listed below. |
Debt past 100 percent of GDP since 1972: the 46 episodes
Each row is one episode in which a nation’s government debt stood above 100 percent of GDP for five years or more, starting in 1972 or later. The method is set out in the table above.
Returned below 100 percent: 29 episodes
| Nation | Years above 100 percent | Peak, percent of GDP (year) | How the return came about | Sources |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Barbados | 2012 to 2024 | 143 (2017) | Default and debt restructuring, 2018, with an IMF program; below 100 percent in the IMF’s 2025 estimate | IMF, press release 18/370, 1 October 2018 |
| Belgium | 1983 to 2003 | 139 (1993) | Not held: above 100 percent again from 2010 | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Belgium | 2010 to 2017 | 107 (2014) | Not held: above 100 percent again from 2020 | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Bolivia | 1980 to 1988 | 205 (1985) | Inflation averaging 1,534.8 percent a year | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Burundi | 1993 to 2008 | 173 (2004) | HIPC debt relief; inflation averaging 13.6 percent a year | IMF, HIPC Initiative factsheet |
| Comoros | 1984 to 1992 | 150 (1984) | The exception: debt fell steadily across nine years, with inflation averaging 0.5 percent a year and no Paris Club treatment before 2009 | Paris Club, Comoros; IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Congo, Dem. Rep. of the | 2000 to 2006 | 185 (2001) | Inflation averaging 140.5 percent a year; HIPC debt relief | IMF, HIPC Initiative factsheet; IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Congo, Republic of | 1989 to 2004 | 231 (1994) | Debt forgiveness: Paris Club, December 2004, canceled $1.68 billion of $3.0 billion treated (67 percent); oil export revenue rose in 2005 | Paris Club, Congo, 16 December 2004; IMF, PIN 07/47 |
| Equatorial Guinea | 1980 to 1995 | 261 (1982) | Resource windfall: major oil fields in production from 1996; Paris Club, 1994, 50 percent cancellation | IMF, PN 99/86; Paris Club, 15 December 1994 |
| Guinea-Bissau | 1993 to 2009 | 217 (2000) | HIPC debt relief; inflation averaging 14.5 percent a year | IMF, HIPC Initiative factsheet |
| Iceland | 2008 to 2014 | 138 (2011) | Outside bailout: IMF Stand-By Arrangement, November 2008; stability contributions from the estates of the failed banks, 2016 | IMF, press release 08/296; Statistics Iceland, 15 March 2017 |
| Israel | 1977 to 1996 | 284 (1984) | Inflation averaging 92.6 percent a year | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Jamaica | 2001 to 2017 | 147 (2012) | Debt restructuring: debt exchanges in 2010 and 2013, with an IMF program from 2013 | Government of Jamaica, SEC filing, 2018; IMF, press release 13/150 |
| Jordan | 1987 to 1999 | 228 (1990) | Debt restructuring: Paris Club reschedulings, 1989 to 1999; commercial bank debt deal on Brady terms, 1993 | Paris Club, Jordan; MEES, 1993 |
| Kyrgyz Republic | 1999 to 2003 | 123 (2000) | Paris Club treatment, 2002; inflation averaging 13.5 percent a year | Paris Club, 7 March 2002; IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Liberia | 2000 to 2009 | 600 (2003) | HIPC debt relief | IMF, HIPC Initiative factsheet |
| Madagascar | 1987 to 1993 | 128 (1987) | Inflation averaging 13.7 percent a year | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Myanmar | 1998 to 2006 | 262 (2001) | Inflation averaging 17.7 percent a year | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Nauru | 2009 to 2015 | 299 (2010) | Default: government-guaranteed yen bonds in default since the 1990s and settled in 2021; revenue from Australia’s regional processing center from 2012 | IMF, Country Report 17/82; Nauru Debt Report 2021 |
| Nicaragua | 1979 to 1996 | 267 (1987) | Inflation averaging 1,777.3 percent a year | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Portugal | 2010 to 2022 | 134 (2020) | Outside bailout: €78 billion EU and IMF program, 2011; in 2023, nominal GDP growth, mainly from inflation, supplied 7.6 of the 13.3 points by which the debt ratio fell | European Commission, financial assistance to Portugal; Portuguese Public Finance Council, 2023 outturn |
| Saint Kitts and Nevis | 2001 to 2012 | 153 (2004) | Debt restructuring: debt exchange and debt-for-land swap, 2012; Paris Club, 2012; IMF program, 2011 | Paris Club, 24 May 2012; IMF, press release 12/228 |
| Seychelles | 1994 to 2009 | 200 (2001) | Debt forgiveness: Paris Club, 2009, 45 percent cancellation; private creditor debt exchange, 2010; IMF program, 2008 | Paris Club, April 2009; IMF, press release 10/269 |
| Spain | 2013 to 2017 | 104 (2014) | Not held: above 100 percent again from 2020 | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Sudan | 1992 to 2003 | 495 (1992) | Inflation averaging 51.4 percent a year; not held: above 100 percent again from 2016 | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Syria | 1990 to 2004 | 190 (1990) | Debt forgiveness: Russia wrote off 73 percent ($9.8 billion) of Syria’s Soviet-era debt, 2005 | GTR, 7 February 2005 |
| São Tomé and Príncipe | 2001 to 2007 | 418 (2001) | HIPC debt relief; inflation averaging 14.5 percent a year | IMF, HIPC Initiative factsheet |
| Tanzania | 1991 to 1995 | 129 (1993) | Inflation averaging 27.3 percent a year | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Zambia | 2000 to 2004 | 261 (2000) | HIPC debt relief; inflation averaging 21.4 percent a year | IMF, HIPC Initiative factsheet |
Below 100 percent only in projections: 2 episodes
| Nation | Years above 100 percent | Peak, percent of GDP (year) | Status | Sources |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cabo Verde | 2014 to 2025 | 149 (2021) | Below 100 percent only in the IMF’s 2026 projection | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Spain | 2020 to 2025 | 119 (2020) | Below 100 percent only in the IMF’s 2026 projection | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
Still above 100 percent: 15 nations
| Nation | Years above 100 percent | Peak, percent of GDP (year) | Latest figure | Sources |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Bahrain | 2020 to 2026 | 152 (2026) | 152 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Belgium | 2020 to 2026 | 111 (2020) | 109 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Bhutan | 2020 to 2026 | 123 (2021) | 120 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Canada | 2020 to 2026 | 118 (2020) | 111 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Eritrea | 2000 to 2019 | 290 (2017) | 260 percent in 2019 (latest IMF figure) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| France | 2020 to 2026 | 118 (2026) | 118 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Greece | 1995 to 2026 | 210 (2020) | 137 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Italy | 1992 to 2026 | 154 (2020) | 138 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Japan | 1997 to 2026 | 258 (2020) | 204 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Lebanon | 1996 to 2025 | 361 (2021) | 139 percent in 2025 (IMF estimate) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Maldives | 2020 to 2026 | 156 (2020) | 129 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Singapore | 2015 to 2026 | 172 (2026) | 172 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Sudan | 2016 to 2026 | 278 (2020) | 169 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| United States | 2011 to 2026 | 133 (2020) | 126 percent in 2026 (IMF projection) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
| Venezuela | 2015 to 2025 | 337 (2020) | 309 percent in 2025 (IMF estimate) | IMF, Public Finances in Modern History; IMF, World Economic Outlook |
Pegisai Global Holdings develops, licenses and administers the technology supporting the Alkaimi Financial Ecosystem. Pegisai does not provide banking services, accept deposits, hold client value or execute client settlements. Banking operations are conducted by member chartered financial institutions.
Value held on the ecosystem’s ledger is held under a custodial agreement. Held value is not a currency deposit and is not insured by deposit insurance or by a government agency such as the FDIC. The settlement mechanisms used in the licensed model are themselves individually insured.
Supervisory classification of member operations rests with each member’s own regulator. The Alkaimi Ecosystem has not been designated a systemically important financial market utility.
This page contains some forward-looking statements. Read Pegisai’s statement on forward-looking statements.